民主進步黨台北市黨部FACEBOOK

蔡英文哈佛大學演講

 

民進黨主席暨總統候選人蔡英文美東時間今(15)日下午,於哈佛大學燕京禮堂發表「台灣的政策挑戰、機會與民主治理」演講,其演講全文如下:

 

  很榮幸今天能夠來到哈佛大學。在此要特別感謝Prof. Steven Goldstein的邀請,讓我有機會在這裡演講。經過在華府兩天密集拜會行政官員、智庫學者以及政治人物之後,很高興能來這裡和未來的決策領袖交換意見。

 

  台美兩國的年輕人,都面臨這個多變的世界所帶來的挑戰以及不確定因素。對我而言,身為決策者最重要的是,政府提供的服務,能不能讓我們的下一代有能力與機會因應這些挑戰。今天在此能夠與全球頂尖的學子交流,是個激盪出新思維的好機會。

 

  在展望未來之前,回顧一下歷史,從歷史的脈絡來分析,十分受用。今年適逢哈佛大學建校375週年,在此先恭喜各位。哈佛是美國歷史最悠久的大學,甚至還比這個國家的歷史還長。

 

  而在貴校成立的同時,台灣也開始出現在國際舞台上。荷蘭人和西班牙人分別在1620年代來到台灣,分據南北,展開殖民,同時基督教傳入,帶來羅馬拼音,台灣原住民的語言於是有了文字的記錄。

 

  台灣和美國,在這四百年來,從被殖民開始,先後經歷了移民、拓墾、戰爭,到最後的政府制度確立,展開民主化。我們或許生活在不同的地方,使用不同的語言,但我們的經驗和信念,卻有很多相似之處。

 

  民主是台美兩國共同信仰的價值。來自法國的Alexis de Tocqueville在一百七十年前寫出Democracy in America時,距離美國建國,不到一甲子。他以犀利的分析,指出民主將會主導未來世界的發展。在接下來的歲月,全世界得以見證,在這個民主制度下,美國逐漸茁壯,成為現在維繫國際平衡的最重要力量。民主自由所養成的多元社會,吸引也容納了世界各地優秀的人才,打造了美國堅強的國力,至今不衰。另一方面,美國人民對民主價值的堅持,也幫助推動了其他地方的民主運動。

 

  台灣的民主發展,起步較晚。從日據時期,到國民黨戒嚴統治之下,台灣人不斷爭取參政權。然而日本殖民政府無情的打壓,以及二戰後接收台灣的國民黨於1947年二二八事件的軍事鎮壓,及接踵而來的白色恐怖,台灣的政治菁英遭打壓殆盡。之後,在1970年代,隨著台灣經濟起飛以及國際化所帶動的公民社會興起,造就了新一代的反對領袖。雖然成立反對黨在實施戒嚴的當時是違法的行為,我們的前輩、以及民進黨的創黨先進,勇敢地開啟了新一波的民主化台灣的政治改革,為人民爭取權利。1987年解嚴之後,在1990年代初,台灣終於進行首度國會改選;而在2000年,民進黨贏得總統大選,台灣經歷了首度政黨輪替。

 

  我在此說明這段歷史,是因為民主已經成為台灣國家認同的基礎,也是政治領導的規範。體驗過民主之路的艱辛遙遠,讓我們堅守民主價值的立場更為堅定。在人民有權自由選擇政府,以民主方式決定國家前途仍為新體驗的情況下,台灣這個新興民主國家,內外挑戰依舊艱鉅。

 

  因此,我們未來的挑戰以及首要目標,在於捍衛民主,鞏固民主。在內部,有些過去一黨專政時代留下的陋習,如國民黨在過去所累積的鉅額黨產,造成台灣政黨競爭不公等,必須改革。其次,我們也要提升立法品質,加強競選財務規範,以確保政治透明度、責任以及公平性。再則,目前台灣社會對司法中立信心不足,我們必須建立公平公正的獨立司法體系,才能避免所有政治干預的可能性。

 

  台灣民主的外部挑戰,主要來自海峽對岸。中國過去在台灣舉行總統大選時,以種種手段恐嚇威逼台灣人民,投票支持他們期待的候選人,但事後證明,北京沒能得手。現在他們則轉以經濟力來影響台灣人民,甚至有國際知名雜誌『經濟學人』專文指出,北京以賄賂的方式拉攏台灣(Beijing is bribing Taiwan),對我們的民主發展投下了不確定因素。

 

  民進黨過去多次呼籲中國政府認知兩岸在政治上存在差異,並建議就民主與人權等相關議題進行對話。然而,北京堅持一中框架,否定了台灣人民決定自身前途的權利,利用經濟、政治、外交的優勢,孤立台灣,與台灣人民的期待背道而馳。

 

  在漠視台灣人民權益之外,中國政府對中國人民的壓制更是明顯。雖然自1980年代實行改革開放以來,經濟快速成長;而政治方面卻進步有限。今年初逮捕異議份子艾未未,去年監禁劉曉波,並禁止他出席諾貝爾和平獎頒獎典禮;還有更多維權人士目前下落不明。這些都是兩岸顯著的差異及問題所在。

 

  當我們在台灣堅守民主權利、保護主權的同時,民進黨和台灣人民對中國人民沒有敵意。目前台海政治及軍事上的僵局是歷史的產物,民進黨願意向前看,對中國人民表達善意,並支持在中國推動政治改革的民主人士。

 

  如同前面所提到,活躍公民社會的興起,是台灣民主化成功的要素。這幾年來,中國公民社會的發展過程緩慢艱辛,但我們相信,未來這將會是中國進步的重要力量。我們也要鼓勵兩岸市民社會的對話與交流,特別是在年輕族群之間,希望能促成對現況及人民期待的深入瞭解。

 

  這也是我們為什麼提出要透過建立『台灣共識』的民主程序作為與中國交往的基礎。這個戰略目標是維持台海和平穩定,讓兩岸人民都能享有追求繁榮發展的自由與機會。

 

  民主的共識建立,不僅是面對中國崛起及其影響之必要程序,也提供了領導人在面對國內政經重大問題時所需之政治資本。在開放社會中,共識建立需時較多,而有時候決策過程可能不像獨裁那麼有效率,但是,我堅信必須要用民主來解決國家所面臨的挑戰。

 

  台灣和美國以及世界上許多國家一樣,面臨經濟衰退,許多人失業。特別是年輕人,對未來感到十分焦慮。過去以為受良好的教育,可以找到好工作,過好生活;現在卻不是如此。我對此感到很憂心,因為青年世代的開創力,關係著國家的前途。

 

  我在上個月發表了民進黨的十年政綱,這是我們針對未來十年台灣將面臨的挑戰所提出來的規劃。裡面總共有十八章,涵蓋了社會、經濟、政治及國家安全各個面向。我們認為,在全球化的趨勢下,所有的國家都將面臨分配不均、經濟停滯、能源匱乏、環境污染、氣候變遷,以及安全威脅等種種問題,台灣也不例外。新興民主國家如台灣,在民主機制未臻健全的情況下,同時要面對內外各項挑戰時,如何有效率地治理,是首要課題。

 

  台灣是海洋國家,對外貿易是維繫命脈之所在,勢必要加入全球化的行列。在這個過程中,我們獲得了許多發展的機會,但也付出了代價。例如,工業化的過程破壞了我們的自然環境。台灣人漸漸思考經除了經濟之外,守護土地與環境的重要性。最近台灣的環保人士,阻止了國光石化設廠,維護彰濱工業區外的海洋生態不受破壞。這個例子說明了台灣社會對工業政策及發展策略看法正在改變中。

 

  此外,今年三月日本福島地震所引發的海嘯及核災,讓我們再度對核能安全以及發展替代能源展開檢討。台灣目前有三座運轉中的核電廠,另有第四座還在興建中;而這四座全都在地震帶上。過去數十年來,政府的核能發展政策從未提出核廢料的長期解決之道。日本經驗的啟示不只在核電廠的安全問題,國民黨政府將核廢料存放在原住民的土地上或核電廠中,也將造成長期的傷害。

 

  因此我們提出在台灣要逐漸減少對核能的依賴,同時發展替代再生能源。在2025年之前,台灣將成為非核國家。

 

  這項政策宣示並不容易。發展再生、環保能源的技術及成本都是問題;而官僚系統對新能源措施也十分消極。領導者必須展現決心。我們要和大眾溝通這項決心以及願景,凝聚共識,負責地提出計畫,重點投資新能源的生產,並進行產業轉型。過去幾十年來,台灣的資訊業等在國際引領風騷,但當這些工業的生產線移到其他國家,技術快速被取代時,競爭力就會被削弱。我們要建立新的商業模式,維持整體的競爭力,並提供新世代所需要的、具競爭力的工作機會。

 

  礙於時間有限,無法一一列舉所有的政策挑戰,在此我就先以能源議題為例。事實上,台灣所面臨的問題,和美國很類似:住宅、社會福利、分配不均、失業、財政及預算等等。台灣未來的政府以及領導人要能夠解決人民擔心的問題。不僅是對這一代,還要對下一代的國民負責。政治人物往往會陷入處理日常工作以及選舉事務中,但是,在某次選舉中受歡迎的政策,卻不見得是國家長治久安之計。我們相信,在決策過程中,人民的參與以及透明度是不可或缺的要素,因此,在提出政綱時,我們也與台灣公民社會中包括社運界、學術圈,以及我們的前任政府官員等充分對話。面對複雜困難的議題時,領導力以及溝通能力更是重要。

 

  這是我要繼續領導民進黨、領導台灣走向未來的方式。有人認為我是非傳統型的領導者,因為我的個性比較像學者,而不是激情的政治人物。的確,在選舉造勢中,個人魅力能夠激發支持者的熱情,這也是缺乏資源的民進黨與擁有黨產及行政優勢的國民黨競爭時最大資產。熱情帶來希望,有助建立信心。然而,從過去的經驗,我們瞭解,熱情和魅力很重要,而僅靠這些,卻不足以治理。治理需要面對挑戰、艱困決策的勇氣,同時也要仔細計算所有決策之得失、評估長期效益。更重要的是,治理要能在理念以及現實困難之間,取得平衡。

 

  我期待,在帶領台灣進入下一波民主化時,民進黨也能在台灣引領公共政策的對話。如同拜登副總統在訪中後所言,『開放自由的社會才能長遠保障經濟成長、安定、繁榮與創新。』美國的多元民主,使得你們在21世紀更具競爭力。這正是台灣要追求的目標。我們要展現良善治理的能力,讓多元社會能參與政策討論,以確決策的品質與效率。

 

  民主已經是我我們和其他民主社群的共同語言,也是我們和世界交往的基礎。做為國際上負責任的一份子,台灣會持續努力,為民主治理及國際公民社會有所貢獻。

 

再度感謝能有這個機會,和大家分享我對民主治理,以及台灣未來政策挑戰的想法。期待各位的回應與討論。

 


Taiwan:

Policy Challenges, Choices, and Democratic Governance

 

Tsai, Ing-Wen

 

Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, Harvard University

Sep. 15, 2011

 

Good afternoon, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. It is a pleasure to visit Harvard University today. I would like to especially thank Professor Steven Goldstein for inviting me to speak here this afternoon.  After two days of intense meetings in Washington, DC with administration officials, think tanks and politicians, it is great to have this opportunity to be here to exchange views with the next generation of future policy leaders.   

 

Young people in both Taiwan and the United States are facing a rapidly changing world that is full of challenges and uncertainties.  As a policy-maker, what interests me is the role of government in establishing the right institutions and providing the necessary public services so that future generations are equipped with the ability and opportunity to respond to these challenges. So a dialogue such as the one today, with some of the brightest young minds in the world, is a useful exchange that perhaps may help to stimulate new ideas for all of us.   

 

When we look to the future, it is sometimes useful to strengthen our understanding of what has happened in the past, to put our analyses into a historical context. So let me start by offering my congratulations to Harvard University as you celebrate your 375th anniversary.  Your institution is one of the oldest in this country and its history extends way before the founding of this nation.    

 

About the same time Harvard was founded, written history and documentation of Taiwan also began to emerge on the international stage. Dutch and Spanish arrived in Taiwan in the 1620s and colonized the southern and northern parts of the island. Christian missionaries followed and brought with them the Roman phonetic transcription system, thus beginning written documentation in the languages of the indigenous people of Taiwan.

 

Over the past four centuries, both Taiwan and America experienced colonization, migration, wars, the establishment of government, and finally the inauguration of democracy.  We may live in different places and speak different languages, but we share many of the same experiences and beliefs.

 

A common value that the US and Taiwan share is democracy. Alexis de Tocqueville published “Democracy in America” just less than six decades after the Declaration of Independence, foreseeing that democracy would dominate the world’s development. In the following years, the world witnessed the US grow under a democratic system to become a major force in the world – a force that continues to be the most important in maintaining global balance today. Democracy and freedom in the US have fostered a diverse yet inclusive society which has attracted talented individuals from all over the world. Together they have created the strength of the US that we still see today.  At the same time, these democratic values that are upheld by the American people have inspired, and supported democracy movements around the world.

 

Taiwan’s democratic development came far later.  Throughout the period of Japanese occupation, and then later the KMT arrival on Taiwan and imposition of Martial Law, there were constant efforts by local Taiwanese to demand greater political participation.  Unfortunately their efforts were suppressed brutally by the Japanese colonial regime, and then later the KMT government that fled to Taiwan eliminated an entire generation of Taiwanese elites, through the 1947 massacre and the ensuing period of “white terror.”   In the 1970’s, a new generation emerged during Taiwan’s economic boom, when more integration with the world fostered the rise of a civil society.  Although opposition parties were stilled banned under Martial Law during this period, the predecessors and founders of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) initiated a new wave of democratic activism that pushed for reforms and basic political rights.  Ultimately Martial Law was lifted in 1987, and by the 1990’s Taiwan began to hold its first general and free elections.  By 2000, with the DPP’s winning the presidential election, Taiwan witnessed its first ever democratic transition. 

 

I speak about this part of our history, because democracy has become the foundation of Taiwan’s national identity and the norm for political leadership in Taiwan.  Yet our path toward democracy was a long and arduous process, which makes us all the more determined to uphold his value. We are a young democracy, and having the right to freely select our leaders and to determine our own future through the democratic vote is only a recent phenomenon, with vulnerabilities subject to internal and external challenges. 

 

Therefore one of our top priorities and challenges in the coming years is the defense and consolidation of Taiwan’s democracy.  Internally, there are a number of remnant aspects of the previous authoritarian one-party system that require reform: The enormous KMT party assets that have been accumulated over the years create an unfair playing field for multi-party politics in Taiwan.  In addition, the legislative process and campaign financing regulations can be further improved to ensure greater transparency and accountability as well as fairness in the political system. Furthermore, leadership must be exerted to establish the full independence of the judiciary, so as to eliminate the possibility of political interventions.  Current public confidence over the impartiality of the judiciary is low, and this problem must be addressed to ensure a fair and just legal environment.

 

Externally, the greatest challenge to our democracy comes from across the Strait.  In recent elections, the Chinese government has exerted influence on Taiwan’s elections to compel their desired outcome.  They have attempted to threaten the Taiwanese people, going so far as to launch missile tests during our first ever presidential election in 1996, and then issuing verbal threats in subsequent major elections.  Lately they have emphasized the use of economic leverage which the Economist Magazine has characterized as “bribing Taiwan.”  The long-term impact of these tactics is yet to be seen, but from our part we must be vigilant in defending our hard-won freedom to choose and decide our future.   

 

We have on a number of occasions called on the Chinese government to engage in dialogue on the subject of democracy and human rights, and to acknowledge the existing political differences.  Their insistence on a “one China” framework that denies the right of the Taiwanese people to decide on their own future, and utilization of economic, political and diplomatic leverage to compel Taiwan into their orbit of influence, runs counter to the desires and aspirations of our people. 

 

It is obvious that in addition to disrespect for the political rights of the Taiwanese people, the Chinese government has imposed even more difficult constraints on the people of China.  Even though it has carried out a policy of “reform and openness” since the 1980’s, enabling rapid economic growth, there has been very limited political progress.  The arrest of Chinese artist Ai Weiwei and continuing imprisonment of Nobel Laureate Liu Xiaobo as well as many more human rights advocates, remain a significant problem and point of difference between the two sides across the Strait. 

 

While we insist on upholding our democratic rights in Taiwan and protecting the independence of our sovereignty, the DPP and the Taiwanese people harbor no animosity toward the people of China.  The current political and military stalemate across the Strait is a product of the evolution of history.  The DPP is willing to look ahead and extend our goodwill to the people of China, and in particular, our support to those courageous activists who are striving for political freedom in China. 

 

As I mentioned above, the emergence of a vibrant civil society was an essential foundation for Taiwan’s successful democratization.  In recent years, although the development of an active civil society in China has been slow and painful, we believe it may turn into an important force for progress in China.  We would therefore encourage dialogue and exchanges between our civil societies, especially among the young people, in hopes that it would lead to a more open understanding of the realities and aspirations of our peoples. 

 

It is why in our approach to handling relations with China, I have spoken about the need to respect the process of building a “Taiwan consensus” as the foundation for engaging with China. The strategic goal is to maintain peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, an environment where the people on both sides have the freedom and opportunities to pursue prosperity and development.   

 

Democratic consensus building is not only an essential procedure for dealing with the challenge of China’s rise and its impact on Taiwan, it also provides the political capital needed for leadership on tough domestic social and economic problems.  In an open society, building consensus takes time, and sometimes the decision-making process could be slower than in an autocracy.  However, I strongly believe that democracy must continue to serve as the basis for meeting a nation’s challenges.

 

Like the United States and others around the world, Taiwan is also dealing with the consequences of the global financial recession and high unemployment. Our young people, in particular, are deeply anxious about their future, and the assumption that a good education and training will secure a decently-paying job and lifestyle, no longer holds.  This concerns me deeply, for I believe that the confidence of the younger generation to explore and innovate is essential for our country’s continuing development. 

 

To examine the multiple aspects of the challenges facing Taiwan in the next decade, I recently announced a ten-year policy platform on behalf of the DPP, which contains eighteen chapters covering policy guidelines in social, economic, political and national security areas. Taiwan is in a situation where we are still striving to build and perfect our democratic institutions, and yet the world is rapidly changing in a way that is full of uncertainty.  Like others in the global community, we are also faced with global common challenges of growing income disparities, economic stagnation, energy shortages, pollution, climate change, and security threats.  

 

Taiwan is a maritime nation.  Our survival depends on our openness and links to the world.  These links bring about tremendous opportunities to the Taiwanese people, yet at the same time we have also suffered costs.  For example, industry and trade that have brought about significant economic growth have also had a harmful impact on the natural environment.  Therefore the previous growth-oriented economic strategy is not sufficient to deal with the complications of ongoing development.  Recently, NGO activism in central Taiwan successfully blocked plans to build a new petrochemical plant that could potentially endanger oceanic life.  This case illustrates the ongoing debate in our society about industrial adjustment and developmental strategy for our country. 

 

The earthquake and tsunami disaster that devastated our neighboring Japan this March has reopened another very important policy debate in Taiwan, and that is the future of nuclear energy and the urgency of developing alternative energy sources.  Taiwan currently has three nuclear power plants and a fourth that is being built, all situated on earthquake fault lines. For decades, government policy on developing nuclear power was not accompanied by a long-term plan for storage and processing of nuclear waste.   And the Japanese experience reminds us that not only are the safety of our plants in serious doubt, the KMT government’s practice of dumping nuclear waste on aborigine land, or keeping the waste storage on the plant sites may have detrimental consequences in the long run. 

 

We therefore took the initiative to announce a policy where Taiwan would reduce its reliance on nuclear energy, while developing alternative and sustainable energy sources, and by the year 2025 Taiwan will be a nuclear-free country. 

 

This policy announcement was not without controversy. The maturity and costs of sustainable and clean energy sources have come under question, and the bureaucracy does not seem keen on making any departures from current practice.  This is where political leadership is important.  Our convictions and long-term vision for the future must be communicated with the public, forging a consensus, as we responsibly lay out the specifics of our plan to heavily invest in new energy production, transforming the landscape of Taiwan’s industry.  For a few decades, Taiwan has led the world in IT manufacturing and various technologies, but the lifespan of the competitiveness of a new technology is being shortened as production shifts around the world and technologies are quickly replaced.  We will require a new business model for Taiwan to sustain its overall competitiveness and to continue to produce the competitive jobs that the next generation will require. 

 

While there isn’t enough time for me to go over all the policy challenges, I raise the issue of energy as an example.  In fact many of our challenges mirror those you have here in the US: housing, social services, income disparities, jobs, fiscal debt and budgeting.  The future government and leader of Taiwan must be able to respond to the anxieties of the people and offer realistic responses.  There are no easy solutions, but in the process, accountability and leadership are important. By accountability I refer to responsibility to the people not only now, but to future generations as well.  Very often political leaders get caught in the midst of day-to-day operations and constant election campaigning.  What is popular in a single election is not always the best solution in the long-term.  That is why in coming up with our policy guidelines, the DPP engaged in multiple level dialogues with our civil society, NGOs, academics, and former cabinet members, for we believe that participation and transparency are essential in a decision-making process.  When confronted with highly controversial or difficult issues, leadership and communication with the public is essential. 

 

This is the way in which I intend to continue to carry out my leadership of the DPP and of Taiwan in the future.  Some people in Taiwan say that I am an atypical leader, that I appear more like a professor than a passionate politician.  Indeed in real election campaigning charisma is important, it arouses passion and enthusiasm, and particularly for the DPP which has not had the kind of resources as the KMT to compete, the passion of our supporters has been the DPP’s greatest asset.  I feel that passion brings about hope, which is important to boost confidence and energy.  However, what we have learned in the recent history is that passion and charisma, while important, are not sufficient to govern. Governing requires the courage to confront challenging circumstance and to make difficult decisions.  Governing also requires careful calculations of the costs and benefits as well as long-term impact of any policy decision.  Furthermore, governing requires an ability to balance conviction and vision on the one hand, with an honesty to face the realities and difficulties on the other. 

 

I expect that in addition to leading Taiwan in the next wave of democratization as we have in the past, the DPP will continue to also lead the public policy discourse in Taiwan.  I agree with Vice President Biden’s remarks following his trip to China, that “Open and free societies are best at promoting long-term growth, stability, prosperity and innovation.”  Democracy has fostered diversity and creativity in the American society, and it has been the basis for the strength of this nation. This is also what we expect for Taiwan as well. We will continue to mature into a democratic society where good governance practices are honored, and where the participation and involvement of our diverse society in policy discourse will produce the most productive and effective policies.  

 

Democracy has become the common language between Taiwan and the international community, and it is the foundation for our engagement with the rest of the world.  As a responsible stakeholder of the global community, Taiwan will continue to proactively seek opportunities to contribute to both democratic governance and the development of a global civil society. 

 

Thank you again for giving me this opportunity to share with you my views on democratic governance and some of Taiwan’s next policy challenges.  I look forward to your comments, responses and the chance for dialogue.